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Stercus bubulus omnia vincit
Naming in principle constitutes an act of violence, which valorizes constructed spaces of colonial hegemony across boundaries appropriated by didactic official discourse (as implicated by scientifico-disciplinary mechanisms of cultural production) and alters the native imaginary.
Because the very logic of capitalism is to lend an aura of affectivity and textures of theatricality to the Self, alienating the foreign Other, it follows that a resulting corpus of cultural products contesting (counter-)hegemonic discourses of civil society must engender the privileged construct of the densely signified heteronormative body that is corresponded by relations of production and representations of power attested in mutually constitutive digital democracy via the auto-ethnography of race, class, and gender in terms of giving primacy to a politicized and polysemic space as clearly articulated by Bourdieu.
This can be seen through the reconceptualization of notions of the Liberal Subject in the nascent nationalism of global imperialist ethnic performatives in the social organization of race and ethnicity, inscribing the orthographic praxis of the metanymic positionalities, and in multiple iterations of the gestural. This reconceptualization interrogates the performativity of images of the female body and the modes of vision that subtend it as they exceed and detach themselves from the narrative and thus come to mediate, even as they are mediated by, the excluded but objectifications of the worlds with which they are entangled.
Implicated by this nexus of contestation is a congeries of transformations of wrought and fraught discourses on the gender construction of the colonized Self in the language of resistance to state narratives that underlies the articulation of cultural nationalisms. Focusing on how the item’s excessive presence is generated, distributed, and disavowed raises questions about the cultural politics and ontology (sensu André Bazin). A true social ontology, by leaving its trace on detoured textuality and contested positionality, seeks an incisive neonationalist ethical regrounding in order to contest and thematize the key question of cultural politics and modernities through presentist political economy and contingent cultural studies. It is crucial to radical democracy that we reclaim critical pedagogy through the auto-ethnography of white subjectivity and critiquing of the postcolonial imagination, since agentic transformation occurs through self-knowledge and is a fundamental problematic of (and point of mutual interrogation of) post-capitalist modernity.
Foucault. Foucault. Foucault.
It is imperative to avoid the pitfalls of both world systems theory and national historiography by problematizing oppositions between the European metropole and the Colonized Other. In contrast to/with the prescriptions of the traditional patriarchal canon, this illuminates the importance of cultural discourse constructed by versing the identity of resistance of the nuanced post-industrial interpretation and gendered embodiment of the destabilizing-exclusionary post-twentieth-century economy, wherein hegemonic subjects appropriate hermeneutic othernesses in a way that disguises processes of domination in the garb of valorization of cultural alterity and dialogued habitus. Privileging the global methodological concept as a metaphor for transnational space implicitly celebrates diasporic imagination as a counterforce to the egalitarian power hierarchy of the nation-state through complex negotiations and interventions in transnational literary production: a disporic sign that goes beyond extant portrayals to emphasize their mutual constitution.
This can only happen through writing public space, challenging the canonical narratives and revisioning the contested social dislocation of the space of the written among communities of color through the political use of The Past in legitimizing oppressive political regimes (sometimes referred to as governments). That in turn occludes provocative possibilities of interactive gender(ed) subjectivities, following Habermas, by remapping the ideologically coercive reinscription of (neo/post-) realism of the cultural imaginary in order to (dis/as-) similate dialogs of Lacanian embodied dependent subjugation, as we see in Derida, Marx, and especially Queer Theory, as well as in feminist transnational political and cultural studies on the production of invented communities, foregrounded essentialist subjectivity, and invisible transnational subjectivities.
Foucault! Foucault! Foucault! (Also Lacan and Gramsci!)
Shifting contemporary processes of production and reproduction of knowledge about and images of the exotic Other, including the subtle, ambiguous, but often profound impact on imperial imaging of indigenous peoples, are exemplified in processes of mimesis and adornment seen in changing metropolitan taxonomies of human similarity and difference. This innovative dialogic perspective transcends traditional discourse theory by exposing hidden properties and explodes gendered hierarchies by illuminating the sense of place reinscribed among/by colonizer and colonized in the (govern-)mentality of the colonial project itself and denounces but opens representational channels for the affirmation of national power and a dialectic of cultural commodification while expressing anxiety about that power in corporeal and sexual terms of autochthonous authenticity.
Thus we see that critical and post-humanist theory provides nuanced readings of the mutual transgressive imbrication of science, signification, and subjectivity in an archaeology of the ethnographically constructed semiotic mediation which critiques the traditional nexus of power-knowledge by deconstructing its didactic foundation fabrics and reinscribing an empowered sense of place in a linguistically valorized, gendered (re-) flexive cooptation of the autonomy of the fetishized nation-state. By critiquing the juggernaut of bifurcated modalities of recognition, it is possible to dissimulate the transhistorical valuation of autonomous marginalized entities in positions of opposition in the world capitalist system and provide a contingent dialectic at once imminent and immanent.
Foucault! Foucault! FOUCAULT!
Assuming the complicity of "science" with forms of domination and exclusion and in imagining the state, we see not only how it has been used as a tool of empire, but also how events and institutions have come to dilemma bodily life. Lingering in the tension between the disruptive potential harbored by certain articulations of Blackness and the quotidian violence through which the risks posed by that potential are managed, this paper seeks to reveal uncommon postulates about gender, temporality, destitution, and modalities of belonging.
What I have presented (t-)here is a provocative rearticulation of contemporary resistance theory which rigorously critiques the Oldhumanist, Newhumanist, and Ludic (counter-) arguments about the historical process of cultural reproduction within a contextualized devolution of charismatic authority subordinate to diffuse expectations about the production of self-knowledge (formerly called psychiatry) and thereby to further define the poetic project through an application of neo-indigenous Queer Theoretical hermeneutics and inter-subjective agency.
In my work contentless forms of previously overlooked or devalued commonality and difference take on salience and meaning when articulated against the backdrop of systematic deployment of neo-liberal constructions of sexuality to discipline and pathologizea the/a dichotomized other. The dialectics of time within this idiom render the dichotomously differentiated gender space a uniformly paradigmatic schema of disembedded but not unembedded subjugation.
It is obvious that the decontextualized neo-liberal democratic racism of political inclusion and the sociolinguistic and political context that produce it are a neo-liberal strategy to obscure the economic relations that challenge the basis of political power. Instability of meanings are attributed to signs and symbols of ethnic difference, while in fact the production of meaning depends on political positioning. By essentializing the past, social orders based on hegemonic domination of hermeneutic spaces act to deromanticize the resistance paradigm as an agent of the discourse of democracy, which constructs a language of contention that obscures the state as a field of power to dominate and subject through continuing struggles over power and meaning. Such epistemological grounding must be coupled with ongoing phenomenological and ontological examination into the use of precarity and positionality in order to open the posibility of reinventing phenomenological communitarianism inflected by a posture of Otherness.
FOUCAULT! FOUCAULT! FOUCAULT!
This means that we must re-incorporate —that literally means re-embody— the notion of "place" into the agenda of our central program of conducting cultural critiques. This is the epistemological heuristic with which power is expressed by hegemonic historiography complicit in the intersubjective modernist project of foreclosed dialectical images. These durational discursive practices serve to ground temporal frames, indexing our thinking to the double exigencies of subjectivity and the backgrounding of the relevant post-neoliberal social imaginaries.
Therefore we must ask how an indigenous ethnic group is portrayed through flaunting a heteroglossic Leitmotif in a way that informs their implicative relationship to an inherent efficacious hermeneutic and not through mere Orientalism. My work disessentializes the problems perceptible in an economy invested in instantaneity and alternatives to existing political imaginaries.
By recovering its de-essentializing transformative possibilities, I have definitively (re-)situated radical theory in the space of critiquings of dominant intelligiblities, albeit in the context of (meta-) narratives, (pro/in-)ducing a cultural vision of multiple, overlapping subjectivities and exposed fissures for revisionist discourses that deconstruct and historicize representations of women of color to reveal the ideology/power of the way the trope is articulated in the intimately inhabited places of disciplined bodies and houses.
FOUCAULT!!! FOUCAULT!!! FOUCAULT!!!
I said Foucault, goddamit! Can't you hear, you hegemonic empiricist bastards!? That is the goddam magic word. So now you are required to graduate/hire/promote me! Don't you phallocentric Neanderthals understand anything?!
(Source: The basic text of this page was inspired by promotion files, job talks, book reviews, oral exams, and academic articles, unfortunately mostly at UCSD.)
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